Songs of the Doomed or The Enemy At Home

Songs of the Doomed: More Notes on the Death of the American Dream

Author: Hunter S Thompson

First published in 1990, Songs of the Doomed is back in print -- by popular demand! In this third and most extraordinary volume of the Gonzo Papers, Dr. Hunter S. Thompson recalls high and hideous moments in his thirty years in the Passing Lane -- and no one is safe from his hilarious, remarkably astute social commentary.

With Thompson's trademark insight and passion about the state of American politics and culture, Songs of the Doomed charts the long, strange trip from Kennedy to Quayle in Thompson's freewheeling, inimitable style. Spanning four decades -- 1950 to 1990 -- Thompson is at the top of his form while fleeing New York for Puerto Rico, riding with the Hell's Angels, investigating Las Vegas sleaze, grappling with the "Dukakis problem," and finally, detailing his infamous lifestyle bust, trial documents, and Fourth Amendment battle with the Law. These tales -- often sleazy, brutal, and crude -- are only the tip of what Jack Nicholson called "the most baffling human iceberg of our time."

Songs of the Doomed is vintage Thompson -- a brilliant, brazen, bawdy compilation of the greatest sound bites of Gonzo journalism from the past thirty years.

Publishers Weekly

This third installment of the Gonzo Papers is a chronologically arranged selection of stories, letters, journals and reporting, allowing readers to see how Thompson's brand of "new journalism'' has evolved over the years.

Interesting book: Naked Conversations or Real World Adobe Photoshop CS3

The Enemy at Home: The Cultural Left and Its Responsibility for 9/11

Author: Dinesh DSouza

From THE ENEMY AT HOME:

“In this book I make a claim that will seem startling at the outset. The cultural left in this country is responsible for causing 9/11. … In faulting the cultural left, I am not making the absurd accusation that this group blew up the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. I am saying that the cultural left and its allies in Congress, the media, Hollywood, the nonprofit sector, and the universities are the primary cause of the volcano of anger toward America that is erupting from the Islamic world. The Muslims who carried out the 9/11 attacks were the product of this visceral rage—some of it based on legitimate concerns, some of it based on wrongful prejudice, but all of it fueled and encouraged by the cultural left. Thus without the cultural left, 9/11 would not have happened.

“I realize that this is a strong charge, one that no one has made before. But it is a neglected aspect of the 9/11 debate, and it is critical to understanding the current controversy over the ‘war against terrorism.’ … I intend to show that the left has actively fostered the intense hatred of America that has led to numerous attacks such as 9/11. If I am right, then no war against terrorism can be effectively fought using the left-wing premises that are now accepted doctrine among mainstream liberals and Democrats.”

Whenever Muslims charge that the war on terror is really a war against Islam, Americans hasten to assure them they are wrong.  Yet as Dinesh D’Souza argues in this powerful and timely polemic, there really is a war against Islam.  Only this war is not being waged by Christianconservatives bent on a moral crusade to impose democracy abroad but by the American cultural left, which for years has been vigorously exporting its domestic war against religion and traditional morality to the rest of the world.

D’Souza contends that the cultural left is responsible for 9/11 in two ways: by fostering a decadent and depraved American culture that angers and repulses other societies—especially traditional and religious ones— and by promoting, at home and abroad, an anti-American attitude that blames America for all the problems of the world. 

Islamic anti-Americanism is not merely a reaction to U.S. foreign policy but is also rooted in a revulsion against what Muslims perceive to be the atheism and moral depravity of American popular culture.  Muslims and other traditional people around the world allege that secular American values are being imposed on their societies and that these values undermine religious belief, weaken the traditional family, and corrupt the innocence of children. But it is not “America” that is doing this to them, it is the American cultural left. What traditional societies consider repulsive and immoral, the cultural left considers progressive and liberating.

Taking issue with those on the right who speak of a “clash of civilizations,” D’Souza argues that the war on terror is really a war for the hearts and minds of traditional Muslims—and traditional peoples everywhere.  The only way to win the struggle with radical Islam is to convince traditional Muslims that America is on their side.

We are accustomed to thinking of the war on terror and the culture war as two distinct and separate struggles. D’Souza shows that they are really one and the same.  Conservatives must recognize that the left is now allied with the Islamic radicals in a combined effort to defeat Bush’s war on terror. A whole new strategy is therefore needed to fight both wars.   “In order to defeat the Islamic radicals abroad,” D’Souza writes, “we must defeat the enemy at home.”

Publishers Weekly

Conservative pundit D'Souza (Illiberal Education) roots the blame for the 9/11 attacks in the left wing's "aggressive global campaign to undermine the traditional patriarchal family" in this mostly lucid but unconvincing argument. Pointing to Hillary Clinton, Britney Spears and Noam Chomsky, he decries those who have teamed up with Hollywood and the U.N. to foist an irreligious, sexually licentious, antifamily liberal culture-epitomized by Eve Ensler's play The Vagina Monologues and gay marriage initiatives-on a Muslim world that rightly reviles it. By deliberately attacking Islamic values, the left tacitly allies itself with al- Qaeda in its effort to defeat Bush's war on terror and thus discredit conservatism at home, he asserts. But D'Souza's claim that Islamic extremists are inflamed solely by America's music videos and feminists-not its U.S. bases in Saudi Arabia, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict or American support for Muslim dictators-is too single-minded. For example, he paints Abu Ghraib poster-girl Lynndie England as the personification of liberal sexual depravity, without acknowledging that the U.S. Army sent her to Iraq, not the left. Charging that liberals aid terrorists while sympathizing with the terrorists' culturally conservative worldview, D'Souza's critique of American cultural excess trips over its own inconsistencies. (Jan. 16) Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information.

Library Journal

Why do Muslim countries and indeed other traditional societies hate the West? They're put off by the permissive views espoused by liberals, argues the author of Illiberal Education. Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information.

Kirkus Reviews

"In order to crush the Islamic radicals abroad, we must defeat the enemy at home."Wasn't it Jerry Falwell who proclaimed that the gays and lefties were responsible for the terrorist events of 9/11, God having vented righteous wrath against the decadent? Rightist ideologue-for-hire D'Souza (Letters to a Young Conservative, 2002, etc.), a denizen of the ivory-tower Hoover Institution, picks up where Falwell left off, and though he takes pains to distance himself from the Falwellian message, as did so many other Republicans in public, he unswervingly voices the master's themes. The "cultural left" is responsible for fostering decadence-after all, doesn't it protect pornography under the disguise of free speech and get all worked up about naked abuses of imperial power? Decadent liberal culture "angers and repulses traditional societies" such as might be found in Saudi Arabia and Dallas. By questioning the Bush administration, which has America's best interests at heart, the lefties are egging on bin Laden and company, which amounts to treason. D'Souza helpfully provides an enemies list, numbering such figures as Nancy Pelosi and Bill Moyers and of course Michael Moore, who are of course more dangerous than anything al-Qaeda might field. But to get to that list, the careful reader will have waded through a curious defense of Wahhabism (it's just Islamic conservatism), witnessed D'Souza's brave scolding of the Bush administration (it's bad to try to democratize the Middle East, since the unwashed might well vote for Osama and Saddam), seen that Planned Parenthood is the source of much evil in the modern world inasmuch as it scorns "efforts to teach sexual modesty and 'abstinence' to youngpeople" and understood that the Islamists are just upset by America's "missionary paganism" as part of the liberals' plot to undermine God. "We know who the domestic insurgents are," D'Souza warns, trying to sound ominous, "and we know who is sheltering and supporting them." Yes, indeed. Hillary, meet Hussein, whose collective fault it all is. As for the rest of the liberals, well, chadors and hellfire await. Ridiculous red-baiting, intellectually on the Coulter-not the Buckley-plane.

Table of Contents:

Acknowledgments     xi
Introduction     1
Illusions on the Right: What Conservatives "Know" About 9/11, and Why It's Wrong     29
Reluctant Warriors: 9/11 and the Liberal Paradox     47
America Through Muslim Eyes: Why Foreign Policy Is Not the Main Problem     68
"The Head of the Snake": The Islamic Critique of Western Moral Depravity     96
Innocence Lost: Liberalism and the Corruption of Popular Culture     119
A World Without Patriarchy: Divorce, Homosexuality, and Other Liberal Family Values     147
A Secular Crusade: Yes, There Is a War Against Islam     174
Emboldening the Enemy: How Liberal Foreign Policy Produced American Vulnerability     204
The War Against the War: Decoding bin Laden's Message to America     227
The Left's Hidden Agenda: Unmasking the Liberal-Islamic Alliance     254
Battle Plan for the Right: How to Defeat the Enemy at Home and Abroad     274
Afterword: The Enemy at Home and Its Critics     293
Notes     317
Index     347

Running on Empty or The Origins of Totalitarianism

Running on Empty: How the Democratic and Republican Parties Are Bankrupting Our Future and What Americans Can Do about It

Author: Peter G Peterson

The national bestseller, described by Tom Brokaw as the “wake-up call we cannot ignore,” with a new preface by the author Acclaimed by all sides of the political spectrum, Peter Peterson's Running on Empty not only traces the deterioration of America’s finances but offers solutions. This national bestseller is required reading for everyone concerned with America’s long-term economic survival. In clear and concise prose, Peterson offers America not only a vision but the practical steps by which to ensure our children’s economic future. Running on Empty is not only a warning, it is also a manifesto calling for the next administration to finally confront a deep and disturbing problem that politicians of all parties have insisted on ignoring for too long.

The New York Times - Christopher Caldwell

With precision and punch, Mr. Peterson's Running on Empty lays out why we are in a lousy position to dig ourselves out of this hole.

The Washington Post - Ted Van Dyk

Unlike most analytic and policy-prescriptive books, Peter G. Peterson's Running on Empty: How the Democratic and Republican Parties Are Bankrupting Our Future and What Americans Can Do About It is lively and plainly written. A former Cabinet member, a lifelong Republican, a business and financial executive and chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations, Peterson is a certified establishmentarian. But he also is a Nebraska straight talker who calls 'em as he sees 'em and has done so consistently regarding the structural federal budget deficits that threatened us in the 1990s and do so again now.

Publishers Weekly

For years, Peterson, secretary of commerce under Nixon and author of Gray Down, has been a compelling Cassandra, warning that the mix of growing debt, an aging population, and deficits in Social Security and Medicare portend disaster. Now, he laments, Republicans pursue reckless supply-side economics and Democrats, assuming a repeal of Bush's tax cuts would enable new government spending, are unwilling to consider limits on entitlements. Citing study after study, the author shows that it is a failure of leadership, not knowledge, that has let deficits loom. Beyond that, add the new burdens imposed by September 11-and the fact that European countries, aging like us, likely will have less money for security and international aid. Peterson attacks 10 partisan myths, among them that means-testing federal benefits will shred the safety net; that the elderly are poorer than children, that Americans are overtaxed and that using tax cuts to shrink government can work. What went wrong? He blames interest groups, individualism, short-termitis and generational change. Peterson offers concrete solutions: among them: index Social Security to prices, not wages; use the federal employees' health plan as a model; force Congress to include unfunded retirement obligations in its balance sheet; and pursue more nonpartisan politics, such as free TV time during campaigns. A self-described "fat cat," Peterson is willing to bear an "affluence test" for Social Security; he challenges leaders to revive JFK's call for civic responsibility. Agent, Andrew Wylie. (July 14) Forecast: The punditocracy will embrace and debate this book. Though Peterson has harsh words for all, George W. Bush's opponents could seize on the charge that Bush and his Congress "have presided over the biggest, most reckless deterioration of America's finances in history." Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information.

Table of Contents:

	Preface: Why This Book Now?	ix
Chapter 1	Bankrupt Parties, Bankrupt Nation	3
Chapter 2	Why Deficits Matter to You and Your Future	29
Chapter 3	The Challenge at Home: The Aging of America	56
Chapter 4	The Challenge Abroad: A Dangerous World	80
Chapter 5	How the Democrats Got us Into This Mess (with Republican Help)	107
Chapter 6	How the Republicans Got us Much Deeper (with Democratic Help)	130
Chapter 7	Ten Partisan Myths	147
Chapter 8	Why America is Choosing the Wrong Future	170
Chapter 9	How we Can Rebuild Our Future--and Our Politics	194
Chapter 10	A Letter to the Rising Generation	226
	A Note on Sources	235
	Acknowledgments	241

Interesting book: Great Ribs Book or The Joy of Coffee

The Origins of Totalitarianism

Author: Hannah Arendt

Generally regarded as the definitive work on totalitarianism, this book is an essential component of any study of twentieth-century political movements. Arendt was one of the first to recognize that Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union were two sides of the same coin rather than opposing philosophies of Right and Left. “With the Origins of Totalitarianism Hannah Arendt emerges as the most original and profound-therefore the most valuable-political theoretician of our times” (New Leader). Index.

Library Journal

Schocken's is the first hardcover edition of Arendt's 1951 volume to be available in decades. The book begins its study with European anti-Semitism in the 1800s and moves up to Stalinist Russia and Nazi Germany, which the author fled in the 1930s. This edition sports a new introduction by Pulitzer Prize winner Samantha Powers. Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information.

Failures of the Presidents or A Power Governments Cannot Suppress

Failures of the Presidents: From the Whiskey Rebellion and War of 1812 to the Bay of Pigs and War in Iraq

Author: Thomas J Craughwell

Stories of the disastrous blunders of American presidents will show readers the inner workings of the White House and how some of our greatest leaders could make decisions that were terribly wrong. The fascinating stories are recounted as narratives and are as entertaining as they are shocking.

The 23 stories, each about 10 pages in length, retell the histories behind bad presidential decisions. They are told in a real time narrative style, bringing readers inside the White House, introducing them to the main characters, exposing why these decisions were made, and describing the ill-fated aftermaths.

Margaret Heilbrun - Library Journal

The cover showing the Father of Our Country with egg on his face may lead readers to think they're in for a romp, but this is, in fact, a serious journey, handsomely illustrated, providing narratives on 20 episodes of presidential failure. In the introduction, the authors explain why Bill Clinton is not included, impeachment notwithstanding, while both Bushes are, and it makes sense. The writing offers accessible pathways through the thicket of American history, but signposts like "Tricky Dick" remind us that there's some attitude here. There are also details that get lost along the way. Still, the results are a good bet for school and public libraries.

Read also Pilates or The Girlfriends Guide to Pregnancy

A Power Governments Cannot Suppress

Author: Howard Zinn

"Thank you, Howard Zinn. Thank you for telling us what none of our leaders are willing to: The truth. And you tell it with such brilliance, such humanity. It is a personal honor to be able to say I am a better citizen because of you."
Michael Moore, director of the film Fahrenheit 9/11, and author of the New York Times bestseller, Stupid White Men ...and Other Sorry Excuses for the State of the Nation!

"This strong, incisive book by Howard Zinn provides us with a penetrating critique of current U.S. policies and embraces the sweep of history. Zinn's inspired voice sets him apart ... which is why so many of us look to Howard as a modern-day Thoreau. As always with Zinn's work, A Power Governments Cannot Suppress leaves us with the faith that citizens have what it takes to confront power and to reverse the dangerous and unjust acts of our government."
Jonathan Kozol, author of The Shame of The Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America

"Find here the voice of the well-educated and honorable and capable and human United States of America, which might have existed if only absolute power had not corrupted its third-rate leaders so absolutely."
Kurt Vonnegut, author of A Man Without a Country

"Howard Zinn is a unique voice of sanity, clarity and wisdom who reads history not only to understand the present but to shape the future. ...Profoundly insightful... A Power Governments Cannot Suppress should be read by every American, over and over again."
Michael Lerner, editor of Tikkun Magazine, author of The Left Hand of God: Taking Back our Country from the Religious Right

"This brilliant new book-like Howard Zinn'spresence, and his whole life, is the best possible antidote to political despair. Read it, and rejoin the struggle for a human world and a foreign policy that's good for children."
-Daniel Ellsberg released the Pentagon Papers in 1971 and is author of Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers

A Power Governments Cannot Suppress, is a major new collection of essays on American history, class, immigration, justice, and ordinary citizens who have made a difference. Zinn addresses America's current political/ethical crisis using lessons learned from our nation's history. Zinn brings a profoundly human, yet uniquely American perspective to each subject he writes about, whether it's the abolition of war, terrorism, the Founding Fathers, the Holocaust, defending the rights of immigrants, or personal liberties. Written in an accessible, personal tone, Zinn approaches the telling of U.S. history from an active, engaged point of view. "America's future is linked to how we understand our past," writes Zinn; "For this reason, writing about history, for me, is never a neutral act."

Zinn frames the book with an opening essay titled "If History is to be Creative," a reflection on the role and responsibility of the historian. "To think that history-writing must aim simply to recapitulate the failures that dominate the past," writes Zinn, "is to make historians collaborators in an endless cycle of defeat." "If history is to be creative, to anticipate a possible future without denying the past, it should, I believe, emphasize new possibilities by disclosing those hidden episodes of the past when, even if in brief flashes, people showed their ability to resist, to join together, and occasionally win. I am supposing, or perhaps only hoping, that our future may be found in the past's fugitive moments of compassion rather than in its solid centuries of warfare."

Buzzing with stories and ideas, Zinn draws upon fascinating, little-known historical anecdotes spanning from the Declaration of Independence to the USA PATRIOT Act to comment on the most controversial issues facing us today: government dishonesty, how to respond to terrorism, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the loss of our liberties, immigration, and the responsibility of the citizen to confront power for the common good.

Considered a "modern-day Thoreau" by Jonathon Kozol, Zinn's inspired writings address the reader as an active participant in history making. "We live in a beautiful country," writes Zinn, in the book's opening chapter. "But people who have no respect for human life, freedom, or justice have taken it over. It is now up to all of us to take it back."

Featuring essays penned over an eight-year period, A Power Governments Cannot Suppress is Howard Zinn's first writerly work in several years, an invaluable post-9/11-era addition to the themes that run through his bestselling classic, A People's History Of the United States.

Howard Zinn is a veteran of World War II and author of many books and plays, including the million-selling classic, A People's History of the United States. For more information about Howard and his speaking schedule see www.citylights.com

King Hussein of Jordan or Upstream

King Hussein of Jordan: A Political Life

Author: Nigel Ashton

A towering figure in the history of Jordan, King Hussein reigned for nearly half a century, from his grandfather’s assassination in 1953 to his own death in 1999. In this fascinating biography, Nigel Ashton recounts the eventful life of the king who not only survived but flourished amidst crisis after crisis as ruler of a poor desert nation surrounded by powerful and hostile neighbors. Hussein skillfully navigated complicated relationships with the British, his fellow Arab leaders, the new bordering state of Israel, masses of dispossessed Palestinians within his kingdom, every U.S. president from Eisenhower to Clinton, and every British prime minister from Churchill to Blair. This book illuminates the private man, his key relationships, and his achievements and disappointments as a central player in the tough world of Middle Eastern politics.

 

Ashton has had unique access to King Hussein’s private papers, including his secret correspondence with U.S., British, and Israeli leaders, and he has also conducted numerous interviews with members of Hussein’s circle and immediate family. The resulting book brings new depth to our understanding of the popular and canny king while also providing new information about the wars of 1967 and 1973, President Reagan’s role in the Iran-Contra affair, the evolution of the Middle East peace process, and much more.

Publishers Weekly

In this respectful and measured scholarly evaluation, Ashton (Kennedy, Macmillan and the Cold War) builds on unprecedented access to the late king's entire correspondence and more than two dozen interviews to lend valuable insight into how Hussein's shrewdness and empathy kept him politically (and literally) alive as well as casting light on many a foreign policy enigma-notably a confirmation that Ronald Regan personally authorized what became the Iran-Contra scandal. While Hussein's uneasy alliance with the socialist brand of Arab nationalism under Egypt's Nasser led him into "the greatest calamity of his reign," the 1967 Six-Day War with Israel, he remained "ever alert to the shifting power dynamics of the Arab world," often maintaining a precarious balance between the Western powers, the Arab states and Israelwhile wielding influence disproportionate to Jordan's relatively modest assets. Ashton reveals Hussein's longstanding covert contact with Israel and his clandestine communications with Israelis in the immediate aftermath of the 1967 warto suggest the possibilities and missed opportunities (including by the U.S.) for a peaceful settlement in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict-just one reason this book feels so timely and relevant. (Sept.)

Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Kirkus Reviews

A close analysis of the late Jordanian ruler, who walked a fine line in his efforts to promote peace in the Middle East. Ashton (International History/London School of Economics and Political Science; Kennedy, Macmillan and the Cold War: The Irony of Interdependence, 2002) writes from a scholarly point of view, complementing but not overshadowing Avi Shlaim's journalistic-and far more fluent-biography Lion of Jordan (2008). Indeed, both authors cover much of the same ground, though Ashton is less eager than Shlaim to blame the failure of peacemaking on Israeli intransigence. Instead, Ashton points to the endless complexity of regional politics, particularly in the quicksand of the Cold War, when Iraq, for instance, was alternately allied with Egypt, then Egypt's rival, then Saudi Arabia's friend, then Saudi Arabia's mortal enemy. King Hussein faced considerable opposition from his Hashemite cousins in Saudi Arabia (it did not help matters, in that regard, that the ruling Arab families of the region are related), some of whom argued that "the Jordanian branch of the Hashemite family was not fit to rule, and that the kingdom should have reverted to the Iraqi branch." In the years following the 1967 War, King Hussein made Jordan something of a buffer state between Saudi Arabia and Israel, requiring delicate negotiations and courting plenty of opposition, including several attempted military coups. By Ashton's account, though, some of his toughest opposition came from the American intelligence community, which had its own ideas about how to settle differences in the region. Compared to CIA Director Richard Helms, Israeli leader Moshe Dayan seemed an angel of reconciliation. It took sustainedeffort on the king's part to steer Jordan out of the gunsights when "his two former friends, Saddam Hussein and George Bush," went to war in 1991-an episode in which, Ashton reveals, Mikhail Gorbachev offered the Soviet Union as a back channel ally to the United States and Israel, which will come as news to many readers. Somewhat arid, but a policy wonk's dream, full of historical data and the implications for war and peace in the world's most volatile region.

Table of Contents:

Acknowledgements     ix
List of Illustrations     xii
Introduction: A Contested Destiny     1
The Tragedy of King Talal     13
Breaking the British Connection, 1953-6     37
To Hold a Throne, 1956-7     54
A Dynasty under Threat, 1957-61     68
Arab Cold War and Detente, 1962-6     89
The Path to Disaster, 1966-7     105
Lost in a Sandstorm: Hussein and the Peace Process, 1967-8     121
'Seven Questions of Israel': The September 1970 Crisis     136
The October War     158
Disengagement and Disillusionment, 1973-7     179
The Camp David Disaster, 1977-9     193
The Iran-Iraq War, 1980-88     210
Fishing in the Dead Sea: King Hussein and the Peace Process, 1980-89     230
Between Iraq and a Hard Place: King Hussein and the Gulf Crisis, 1990-91     258
From Madrid to Oslo: King Hussein and the Peace Process, 1991-3     284
The Best of Enemies, the Best of Friends: Hussein, Rabin and the Jordanian-Israeli Peace Treaty     300
The Bitter Aftertaste of Peace     317
The Liberation of Iraq, 1995-7     336
A Destiny Fulfilled?     348
Select Bibliography     371
Notes     379
Index     421

New interesting textbook: e Business and e Commerce How to Program or Managing Behavior in Organizations

Upstream: The Ascendance of American Conservatism

Author: Alfred S Regnery

Alfred S. Regnery, the publisher of The American Spectator, has been a part of the American conservative movement since childhood, when his father founded The Henry Regnery Company, which subsequently became Regnery Publishing — the preeminent conservative publishing house that, among other notable achievements, published William F. Buckley's first book, God and Man at Yale. Including many uniquely personal anecdotes and stories, Regnery himself now boldly chronicles the development of the conservative movement from 1945 to the present.

The outpouring of grief at the funeral of Ronald Reagan in 2004 — and the acknowledgment that Reagan has come to be considered one of the greatest presidents of the twentieth century — is Regnery's opening for a fascinating insider story. Beginning at the start of the twentieth century, he shows how in the years prior to and just post World War II, expanding government power at home and the expanding Communist empire abroad inspired conservatives to band together to fight these threats. The founding of the National Review, the drive to nominate Barry Goldwater first as vice-president and later as president, the apparent defeat of the conservative movement at the hands of Lyndon Johnson, and the triumphant rise of Ronald Reagan from the ashes are all chronicled in vivid prose that shows a uniquely intimate knowledge of the key figures. Regnery shares his views on the opposition that formed in response to Earl Warren's Supreme Court rulings, the role of faith (both Roman Catholic and Evangelical) in the renewed vigor of conservatism, and the contributing role of American businessmen who attempted to oppose biggovernment.

Upstream ultimately gives perspective to how the most vibrant political and cultural force of our time has influenced American culture, politics, economics, foreign policy, and all institutions and sectors of American life.

Worse Than Watergate or The Family

Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush

Author: John W Dean

John Dean knows what happens behind closed doors at the White House. As counsel to President Richard Nixon, he witnessed the malignant influence of excessive secrecy and its corruption of good intentions. Pundits and partisans can point fingers. Only Dean can reveal with true insider knowledge the dangers of a presidency that has crossed the line. In Worse than Watergate, Dean presents a stunning indictment of George W. Bush's administration. He assembles overwhelming evidence of its obsessive secrecy and the dire and dangerous consequences resulting from a return to Nixonian governing. Worse than Watergate connects the dots, explaining the hidden agenda of a White House shrouded in secrecy and a presidency that seeks to remain unaccountable.

Library Journal

If former White House counsel Dean of Watergate notoriety is alarmed by Bush's obsession with secrecy, then you know there's a problem. Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information.

Table of Contents:

	Preface
I	Surprisingly Nixonian	3
II	Stonewalling	22
III	Obsessive secrecy	54
IV	Secret government	93
V	Hidden agenda	131
VI	Scandals, or worse	178
	App. I	199
	App. II	207
	Chapter notes	211
	Acknowledgments	241
	Index	243

Go to: Complete Conditioning for Tennis or Como Mejorar la Salud Con la Reflexologia

The Family: The Real Story of the Bush Dynasty

Author: Kitty Kelley

From the First Lady of unauthorized, tell-all biography, this is the first real inside-look at the most powerful–and secretive–family in the world. From Senator Prescott Bush's alcoholism, to his son George Herbert Walker Bush's infidelities, to George Walker Bush's religious conversion, shady financial deals, and military manipulations, Kitty Kelley captures the portrait of a family that has whitewashed its own story almost out of existence.

The New York Times - Ted Widmer

… like her or not, Kelley has brought new information to bear on a family that, for better or worse, deserves her kind of royal treatment.

The New Yorker

Kelley’s reputation as an “unauthorized biographer” precedes her—how many authors feel the need to mention that they’ve “never lost a lawsuit”?—and she is best appreciated less as an investigative journalist than as a folklorist, amassing a compendium of gossip (much of it denied by her subjects). Generations of Bushes have given her plenty of material. She presents Prescott, the alcoholic senator who beat his children; George H.W., the tightfisted husband with a mink-clad mistress; and a supporting cast of uncles and brothers embroiled with dictators and Japanese Mafiosi. There is Barbara’s grudge-bearing (a streak so mean one feels almost sorry for Nancy Reagan), Laura’s reputation as a college drug source, and ex-daughter-in-law Sharon’s tales (since recanted) of cocaine at Camp David. Capping it all is George W., who—from financial shadiness and substance abuse to a suspect military record and a blithe confidence that he deserves all he has been given and more—is portrayed not as the family’s black sheep but as the epitome of its values.